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| | From:  Le_ToG (Original Message) | Sent: 8/21/2005 1:04 AM |
ENCARTA 2004 Chaman, chef religieux, spécifique à l'origine aux ethnies de l'Asie septentrionale, considéré comme détenteur de pouvoirs surnaturels lui permettant de pratiquer la divination, la guérison, etc. Le mot chaman vient d'un mot de la langue toungouse de Sibérie, l'une des régions où l'on trouve la forme classique du chamanisme. Plusieurs formes de chamanisme ont été observées dans certaines sociétés primitives disséminées dans le monde : en Asie centrale, en Amérique du Nord et en Océanie. On observe parfois des phénomènes de chamanisme dans la religion de cultures plus organisées comme la religion chinoise ou le shintoïsme japonais, bien que l'on ne soit pas sûr qu'elles puissent être rattachées au chamanisme. Si un chaman peut obtenir le statut religieux par l'hérédité, par une quête personnelle ou par vocation, la reconnaissance de l'individu joue toujours un rôle essentiel dans son élévation à ce nouvel état. Le chaman, généralement un homme, est surtout un médium, le porte-parole des esprits qui sont devenus ses démons familiers lors de son initiation au cours de laquelle il est souvent soumis à des jeûnes prolongés, à l'isolement et à d'autres épreuves aboutissant à des rêves et à des visions. Suit une formation dispensée par des chamans expérimentés. Les principales fonctions religieuses d'un chaman sont la guérison et la divination. Elles sont assurées soit par possession spirituelle, soit par l'envol de l'âme du chaman vers le ciel ou dans les enfers. Il existe des récits de résurrections miraculeuses effectuées par des chamans qui s'étaient rendus dans le pays des morts pour ramener l'esprit du défunt. Les chamans peuvent aussi prédire l'issue d'un jeu, la position de l'ennemi et le meilleur moyen pour préserver les vivres et d'augmenter le rendement de la production. Les chamans peuvent occuper un rang social et économique élevé, notamment s'ils sont de bons guérisseurs. De nombreuses tentatives ont été faites pour expliquer le phénomène des chamans et leurs guérisons. Certains savants ont fait un parallèle entre ces guérisons et les psychanalyses et en ont conclu que sont créés, dans les deux cas, des symboles efficaces et thérapeutiques qui produisent un soulagement psychologique et la guérison physiologique. Plusieurs anthropologues, rejetant la théorie selon laquelle les chamans seraient essentiellement des névrosés ou des psychotiques, ont émis l'hypothèse selon laquelle les chamans posséderaient certaines capacités cognitives nettement supérieures à celles du reste de la communauté. D'autres savants expliquent le chamanisme comme étant à l'origine d'un système religieux plus organisé, ou comme étant une technique pour parvenir à l'extase. Encyclopædia Universalis 2004 - Résumé Le chamanisme doit son nom à un type de personnage religieux, le chamane (ainsi est-il nommé en toungouse - langue de Sibérie -, mentionné pour la première fois par Awakum à la fin du XVIIe siècle), qui, de prime abord, se signale par un comportement à la fois caractéristique et personnalisé, connu sous le nom de « transe » : il est fait de bonds, de cris, de gesticulations, parfois de tremblements, l'ensemble étant en général suivi d'une chute dans l'inertie ; il varie avec chaque chamane et, pour chacun, d'une séance à l'autre. Extravagant aux yeux des observateurs chrétiens accoutumés à une attitude religieuse recueillie, ce comportement est imputé par les sociétés intéressées au contact direct avec des êtres surnaturels ou esprits. Ce contact est considéré comme le moyen d'action du chamane, grâce auquel il assure de multiples fonctions jugées indispensables à la vie de la communauté : elles vont de l'obtention de la chance à la chasse ou de la fécondité des êtres naturels et l'appel de la pluie jusqu'à la divination ou à la voyance (y compris pour retrouver des objets perdus), à la cure ou à l'envoi de certaines maladies, et aux relations avec les morts. Si ce type de personnage est caractéristique de sociétés archaïques où il est seul en présence (sibériennes et amérindiennes notamment), des conduites et des pratiques similaires aux siennes se rencontrent en beaucoup d'autres endroits du monde - fût-ce sous une forme fragmentaire, altérée, mêlée d'influences diverses (chrétiennes, musulmanes, bouddhiques) ou sous une forme proche des formes dites de possession, et fût-ce seulement en des occasions et à des fins marginales. Ainsi, des éléments chamaniques ont été repérés tant dans les sociétés antiques (à propos du culte dionysiaque par exemple) que dans certains milieux industrialisés contemporains (comme la Corée du Sud). Les phénomènes qualifiés de chamaniques sont donc très divers par leur contexte et par leur portée dans la vie de la société.
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| | | From: Le_ToG | Sent: 8/21/2005 1:04 AM |
Encyclopædia Universalis 2004 - In extenso 1. Un système de pensée La diversité des phénomènes attribués au chamanisme a valu à l'étude de celui-ci bien des vicissitudes. Religion, tendaient à penser les sociologues du XIXe siècle, mais comment la cerner, dépourvue qu'elle est de dogme, d'Église, de clergé et même de liturgie, à la fois quasi universelle et infiniment variable de société à société comme de chamane à chamane, associée à un mode de vie primitif et prête à resurgir aux franges des grandes religions, vulnérable au contact et capable de s'y adapter ? Disposition psychique, tranchèrent certains auteurs face à l'individualisme de la pratique - « il n'y a pas de religion chamanique, il y a seulement une sorte d'hommes », écrit Van Gennep en 1903. Mais cette sorte d'hommes fut jugée de type pathologique par les uns, qui étaient sensibles à la ressemblance du comportement chamanique avec certaines formes d'hystérie, et de type charismatique par d'autres, qui étaient frappés par la normalité du chamane en dehors des séances, par son efficacité rituelle et les responsabilités dont le charge sa communauté : comment confierait-on son destin à un fou ? La rencontre avec la psychanalyse fit naître l'hypothèse du « fou guéri » : c'est en surmontant son trouble que le chamane devenait capable de soigner autrui, sa victoire sur la maladie étant source de charisme. Mais c'était négliger les autres fonctions du chamane : il ne fait pas que soigner, et il peut tout autant nuire ; guerre et cure sont liées entre ses mains dans de nombreuses sociétés chamanistes. En outre, c'est toujours comme croyance que les religions missionnaires ont identifié et combattu le chamanisme. Cherchant à réconcilier tous les points de vue, Mircea Eliade, seul auteur à ce jour à avoir écrit un ouvrage général sur la question (1951), proposa de voir dans le chamanisme l'expérience religieuse à l'état brut (reposant sur l'idée de montée au ciel grâce à un axe du monde) et de le définir comme une technique extatique, compatible avec toutes sortes de croyances. Cet ouvrage a développé une vue mystique du chamanisme, déjà présente dans certaines des sources utilisées, marquées par le mysticisme latent dans le christianisme russe orthodoxe. Cette vue s'est trouvée propagée dans les pays occidentaux par le succès du livre, parfois au point d'être détournée : ainsi, à la faveur du courant hippy des années soixante qui se montrait féru d'expériences exotiques, le chamanisme est devenu un modèle de « quête personnelle » accessible par l'application de « recettes », tels le jeu du tambour, diverses techniques corporelles ou l'absorption d'hallucinogènes ; il est aujourd'hui à ce titre l'objet d'entreprises commerciales nées aux États-Unis. Pour l'anthropologie contemporaine, le chamanisme est un système de pensée : il ne saurait donc être réduit aux faits et gestes du chamane, même si celui-ci en est l'artisan essentiel, voire l'acteur unique. Par ailleurs, il doit répondre à une même définition sous toutes ses manifestations et pour toutes ses fonctions. Une telle définition peut être dégagée à partir des caractéristiques qu'a ce phénomène dans les sociétés de chasseurs, la vie de chasse étant unanimement reconnue aujourd'hui comme le cadre par excellence du chamanisme ; elle survit comme cadre idéologique à la disparition de l'activité. Plus ou moins modifiées, les caractéristiques dégagées pourront ensuite être repérées dans d'autres types de sociétés. 2. Le chamanisme de chasse : échange avec la surnature nourricière De fait, dans les sociétés classiquement considérées comme chamaniques, le chamanisme est étroitement lié à la chasse : il a pour fonction essentielle d'assurer la perpétuation de la vie en soumettant à des règles l'obtention du gibier, lui imposant un ordre qui à la fois pallie les aléas de son apparition et justifie sa prise par l'homme ; c'est une fonction régulière, fondamentale. Elle repose sur la conception que les êtres naturels dont les humains se nourrissent (gibier, poisson, végétaux) sont animés par des esprits, qui sont à l'animal ou à la plante ce que l'âme de l'homme est à son corps. Elle consiste à établir et à entretenir des relations avec ces esprits pour avoir accès aux être naturels qu'ils animent (autrement dit, elle consiste à agir symboliquement sur la surnature, comprise comme ce qui anime la nature, en vue de pouvoir prélever dans les ressources de celle-ci). Ces relations entre le monde des humains et le monde confondu des animaux et des esprits sont conçues à l'image de celles des humains entre eux. Ainsi, la prise de gibier (celle, symbolique, du chamane, et celle, réelle, du chasseur qu'elle conditionne) nécessite, comme toute prise - sauf à être illégitime et susciter des représailles -, d'être fondée sur une relation d'échange et compensée par une contrepartie. Selon cette logique, chacun des mondes est le gibier de l'autre : de même que les humains mangent la viande des animaux, les esprits des espèces sauvages sont censés dévorer la chair et boire le sang des humains ; le renouvellement des générations humaines est donc la condition de la réapparition du gibier. C'est la gestion globale de cet échange qui incombe à la fonction chamanique ; si le point fort et valorisé en est la prise (l'obtention du gibier), le retour de la contrepartie (par la reproduction et la mort des humains) n'en est pas moins également à sa charge. Cet échange est régi par un accord, voire par une véritable relation d'alliance avec la surnature. C'est dans les sociétés autochtones de Sibérie (dans leur état traditionnel, celui antérieur à la période soviétique) qu'une telle alliance est le plus manifeste, apte à illustrer les principes fondamentaux du chamanisme, moins clairement repérables ailleurs : elle y est de type matrimonial. Le chamane prend une épouse par monde nourricier ; ainsi, il épouse la fille de l'esprit donneur de gibier, généralement appelé esprit de la forêt et imaginé sous la forme d'un grand cervidé - élan ou renne, gibier par excellence -, ou celle de l'esprit des eaux, donneur de poisson. Elle l'a, pense-t-on, « élu » pour mari. Comme elle reste animale dans sa relation conjugale avec le chamane, c'est à lui de la rejoindre. Il doit donc aller dans la surnature ; c'est elle qui lui permet le « voyage », incarnée dans son tambour (considéré comme un « élan », une « barque », etc.), « transportant » son époux dans tous les sens du terme. Il doit aussi s'animaliser, ce qui s'exprime dans son accoutrement (costume en peau de cervidé, coiffe en couronne à ramure, etc.), et dans l'apparence ensauvagée de son comportement rituel : par force bonds et brames, il mime l'ardeur agressive du mâle en concurrence et l'accouplement sexuel, imitant la double virilité de son modèle animal, qui subordonne la prise de la femelle à la victoire sur le mâle rival (la ramure en est l'arme). Dans la plupart des langues sibériennes, la terminologie du chamane et de l'action chamanique est liée au rut animal, explicitement, ou par l'idée de bonds ou de coups de tête (caractéristique des ruminants à cornes et des gallinacés, également modèles de « virilité » à la fois sexuelle et guerrière). Cette perspective conjugale se lit dans ce qui décide d'ordinaire de la carrière de chamane : un ensemble de conduites manifestées à l'âge de la puberté et interprétées comme l'expression d'une entrée en contact avec le monde des esprits (fugues en forêt, refus de s'alimenter à la manière humaine, somnolence rêveuse...) ; ces conduites, regroupées sous le nom de « maladie initiatique », sont stéréotypées et accessibles à tout adolescent, car chacun est en droit de chercher à « aimer » dans la surnature comme sur terre. Seul le chamane est supposé contraint d'y « épouser », sous peine de punition mortelle de la part de la femelle esprit qui l'a « élu ». La carrière se décide sur la base de l'aptitude individuelle et d'impératifs sociologiques. Cependant, la limite reste toujours floue entre chamane et homme ordinaire : le chamane peut perdre sa qualité de chamane s'il se révèle inapte ; le profane, libre de « chamaniser », c'est-à-dire de chanter et de danser aux esprits mais pour soi, sans rôle social, peut en arriver à voir sa pratique prise en compte par sa communauté. Quant à la femme, si elle peut aussi et chamaniser et être chamane, c'est non grâce aux amours d'un esprit animal (ce qui entraînerait son entrée dans la folie et sa mort), mais par connivence avec l'esprit d'un défunt ; sa fonction est surtout de voyance et de divination, à des fins de réparation des désordres ; du moins la chamanesse ne peut-elle d'ordinaire effectuer de rituel d'obtention du gibier, seul type régulier de rituel chamanique : mâle est le chamane idéal de la vie de chasse, qui valorise la prise. C'est de son épouse surnaturelle que le chamane obtient pour sa communauté des promesses de gibier (ou de poisson), la « chance » qui devra se concrétiser sous forme d'animaux accessibles aux flèches des chasseurs, leur apportant le principe vital ou la « force de vie ». Son rôle est d'accomplir le rituel annuel de « renouvellement de la vie », qui à la fois réactualise son mariage et garantit le succès à la chasse pour la saison à venir. Ainsi, jouant sur le plan symbolique le rôle masculin ordinaire, prend-il femme dans la surnature pour pouvoir, tel un chasseur, y prendre de quoi vivre ; il y est assisté d'esprits auxiliaires obtenus grâce à son épouse, qui lui servent de guides ou de rabatteurs, comme le fait tout beau-frère dans la chasse réelle. Mais la loi de l'échange veut qu'il rende compensation pour sa prise. C'est lui-même qu'il rend, offrant finalement à la surnature animale sa propre force de vie : dans le cadre rituel, après son éclat de furie sauvage, il tombe comme mort, accomplissant dans sa propre personne la totalité du circuit d'échange entre humanité et surnature. Ainsi est-il voué à assumer jusqu'au bout le destin du modèle animal auquel il s'est d'abord identifié par la virilité : il doit, comme lui, finir en gibier. Pour accomplir de façon légitime et efficace ses prises dans la surnature (d'épouse et de force de vie), comme pour se rendre à elle en contrepartie (en se faisant gibier), le chamane doit à la fois respecter des règles et user de séduction et de ruse - car tout son art est de prendre le plus et le plus vite possible, et de rendre le moins et le plus tard possible. Ces deux exigences de procédure se reflètent dans son comportement rituel, qui s'inscrit dans un cadre formalisé mais se déroule au gré de son inclination personnelle. En effet, si toute séance exige des conditions spatiales, temporelles, sociales et matérielles spécifiques, le port d'un costume ou d'attributs réservés, l'exécution de rites préliminaires, etc., le comportement du chamane demeure libre, conçu tel ; il doit avoir l'apparence de l'improvisation, même s'il est fait de clichés, car la séduction et la ruse dérivent de « dons » personnels (hors du cadre rituel convenu, un comportement similaire serait tenu pour pathologique). Cette conception du mode d'action du chamane entraîne que sa fonction restera dite fondée sur un « don », alors même qu'elle sera, comme c'est le cas dans certaines sociétés, transmise par héritage. Elle entraîne aussi que la pratique chamanique ne peut donner lieu à une liturgie, ni par conséquent à la formation d'une doctrine et d'un clergé ; la personnalisation de cette pratique est une nécessité de son efficacité ; ce sont là des traits inhérents à sa nature. Le chamane doit aussi assurer la bonne marche de l'échange entre humains et animaux, en les incitant à en assumer leur part. Il stimule la procréation des uns et des autres, en obligeant les humains à des « jeux » rituels (lutte et danse) reposant sur l'imitation des conduites animales de combat et d'accouplement. Il ne traite pas les maladies imputées à la dévoration des esprits en compensation pour le gibier pris et laisse le chasseur le payer du lent écoulement de sa vie et, finalement, de sa « mort volontaire » lorsqu'il a assuré sa descendance (du moins la mort naturelle est-elle considérée comme honteuse). Tout au plus chacun tente-t-il de retarder le don de soi par le don de nourriture à des animaux sauvages apprivoisés ou représentés en figurines, supposés, s'ils sont mal « nourris », envoyer des maladies ou empêcher le gibier d'apparaître. La perpétuation des partenaires de l'échange de « force de vie » impersonnelle entre les mondes repose sur l'idée que les âmes individuelles, « unités de vie », sont recyclées après la mort en vue de renaître au sein de chaque monde : rites de chasse et rites funéraires visent à traiter l'âme en sorte qu'elle se réincarne dans la même espèce animale ou dans le même groupe humain. Le chamane répond de l'accomplissement par les âmes humaines de ce parcours de recyclage. Les âmes mortes de façon prématurée ou tragique sont censées troubler les vivants, capturant leurs âmes ou s'installant à leur place (causes des maladies nerveuses et psychiques) ; le chamane, selon qu'il les apaise ou les excite, guérit ou perturbe les vivants. 3. Le chamanisme d'élevage : dépendance envers les morts À mesure que l'élevage ou l'agriculture prennent le pas sur la chasse se développe la gestion des âmes humaines, les relations avec les morts tendant à prendre le pas dans l'activité du chamane sur celles avec les esprits animaux. Ainsi en est-il dans les sociétés pastorales de Sibérie, où s'observe une humanisation des esprits responsables de la subsistance (esprits d'origine animale mués en ancêtre ou en fondateur, esprits franchement humains susceptibles d'emprunter des formes animales ou montés sur des animaux). D'abord parce que la vie dépend alors plus de facteurs sociaux (possession de pâturages ou de champs, légitimée par l'héritage) que de facteurs naturels (pluie). Ensuite parce que l'homme dispose de produits à offrir à sa place en échange de sa subsistance : les sacrifices d'animaux domestiques se développent, permettant l'essor de l'activité thérapeutique. En même temps bascule l'ordre du monde, qui passe de l'axe horizontal (la surnature du chasseur est contenue dans la forêt coupée de voies d'eau, deux milieux conçus en épaisseur, l'arbre étant un des racines à la cime, le fleuve un de la source à l'embouchure) à l'axe vertical ; le pôle supérieur s'étire de la cime de l'arbre à la montagne, puis confine au ciel, tandis que l'inférieur plonge sous terre (préparant le terrain pour l'irruption, sous l'influence des religions instituées, de dieux et de démons qui viendront se situer respectivement tout en haut et tout en bas). L'orientation des « voyages » du chamane, désormais ascension ou descente, reflète cette verticalisation. En même temps change aussi l'attitude chamanique : à la séduction et à la ruse à l'égard des esprits animaux partenaires succèdent la vénération et la louange à l'égard des esprits ancestraux ou, au contraire, la consolation, le marchandage ou la tromperie à l'égard des esprits des morts irréguliers. L'humanisation des esprits auxquels s'adresse le chamane se traduit par le développement du langage dans le rituel, au détriment du mime, qui tend à passer pour un épisode ludique, teinté de dérisoire. En outre, le chamane ne domine plus l'ensemble du domaine religieux, investi par les autorités politiques ou diverses instances de type sacerdotal, qui se réservent les rituels réguliers ; il tend à n'être plus que le spécialiste des désordres - qu'il s'agisse de les créer ou de les réparer - et à se marginaliser. Les femmes chamanes deviennent plus nombreuses que les hommes. 4. Principes similaires, expressions diverses Ailleurs dans le monde, dans les sociétés reconnues en tout ou en partie chamaniques, les mêmes principes se retrouvent, liés entre eux, bien que de façon souvent confuse, et avec toutes sortes de nuances dans l'expression. Le principe de base reste que l'obtention de la subsistance dépend d'un contrat avec les esprits qui gouvernent les êtres naturels, et que ce contrat repose sur un échange entre les deux mondes dont chacun nourrit l'autre - de façon directe ou médiatisée selon les sociétés. La notion d'interdépendance entre société humaine et espèces naturelles, courante dans l'ethnographie australienne, peut en être considérée comme une variante. Partout ce principe entraîne la notion d'un rapport de nécessité entre mort et vie, et sa mise en scène dans des rituels réguliers de perpétuation, ainsi qu'une ambivalence générale : tant les esprits responsables de la subsistance que les spécialistes de relations avec eux peuvent être bons ou mauvais. Prix à payer, la mort est conçue et traitée comme assurant la perpétuation de l'échange entre la société et son environnement naturel, grâce à une sorte de recyclage de la force de vie dans l'état de mort. Ce recyclage s'exprime souvent par l'idée de réincarnation comme en Sibérie, mais aussi par d'autres représentations, comme celle que les têtes réduites des ennemis tués à la chasse aux têtes préfigurent le poisson à pêcher (Jivaros, Équateur), ou comme celle que les morts reviennent en pluies (Guajiros, Venezuela). Les rituels réguliers visant au renouvellement de la vie (des animaux, des saisons, etc.) articulent l'idée de contrat entre l'homme et la nature avec celle de réincarnation ou de réutilisation des âmes ou des principes vitaux tant au sein des espèces naturelles que des groupes humains ; cette seconde idée est souvent mise en scène dans un schéma de mort et de renaissance symboliques, qui opère également comme épreuve initiatique pour certains individus (en Australie par exemple). Ces rituels comportent généralement des danses d'imitation des animaux, explicitement destinées à favoriser leur reproduction. L'exemple des Tucanos mai huna d'Amazonie est particulièrement éloquent : au cours de telles danses, les hommes d'ordinaire chasseurs de pécaris imitent le comportement des pécaris mâles, puis se font pécaris femelles, adoptant le sort commun de la femme et du gibier. Chez leurs voisins desana, c'est dans le cadre de l'activité du chamane que s'exprime l'idée de l'utilité de la mort des uns pour la vie des autres : le chamane négocie explicitement le nombre d'âmes humaines à donner aux esprits en échange du gibier. Ailleurs, maladies, saignements rituels, mort par suite d'excès de bonne fortune à la chasse ou à la pêche, etc., peuvent être conçus comme constituant la contrepartie humaine. Partout, cette notion de contrepartie humaine recule à mesure que se développe une forme d'économie organisée, permettant offrandes de nourriture, sacrifices, etc. Par ailleurs, bien qu'inévitable et à sa manière positive, l'infortune humaine est susceptible d'être différée dans le temps ou dans l'espace, ou par de multiples médiations ; la tâche du chamane est souvent (surtout en Amérique du Sud) de renvoyer sur un groupe ennemi les maladies de son groupe. La conception générale que les forces de vie et les devoirs de mort sont en nombre limité et en reproduction perpétuelle contribue au développement des relations de rivalités et d'envies qui caractérisent la plupart des sociétés chamaniques dans le monde : quiconque a trop (de gibier, d'enfants, de santé familiale, de richesses) spolie les autres. Les principaux esprits sont le plus souvent conçus donneurs de mort tout autant que de vie ; du moins nul n'est-il jamais totalement bénéfique ni maléfique : de leur esprit sylvestre qui leur donne des coqs de bruyère et exige d'eux des poulets, les Magars du Népal disent que, s'il les tire à l'arc et les rend malades, ils lui en font tout autant. Il arrive aussi que l'ambivalence ne soit pas le fait de l'esprit pris isolément, mais d'un couple qu'il forme avec un autre esprit s'opposant l'un à l'autre, comme maléfique à bénéfique. Il en est de même de la fonction du personnage qualifié de chamane : si, du fait qu'elle assure la prise comme le retour de la contrepartie, elle est le plus souvent ambivalente (conjuguant cure et guerre ou sorcellerie, bonne pour les uns, mauvaise pour les autres, ou bonne et mauvaise alternativement), elle peut aussi n'être que bienfaisante, mais elle est alors en opposition complémentaire avec une fonction malfaisante exercée par des spécialistes réels ou imputée à des spécialistes imaginaires (cas des sorcières de certaines sociétés d'Asie du Sud). En effet, si la fonction chamanique comprise de la manière proposée ici est assurée par un personnage unique appelé chamane dans les sociétés simples du type sibérien, elle se trouve dans d'autres sociétés répartie entre plusieurs instances et, en ce cas, c'est en général son aspect thérapeutique qui a entraîné la qualification de chamanique par les ethnologues, par opposition à la notion de sorcellerie. Outre ces deux spécialités dont l'activité est dictée par les circonstances, la mise en œuvre du principe chamanique suppose l'exercice d'une fonction régulière de perpétuation de l'échange ou de l'interdépendance entre les mondes ; cette fonction peut être assurée soit par un prêtre (ou un corps de prêtres, voire un roi sacré), soit par des profanes, individuellement ou collectivement, dans des rituels spécifiques. L'étude du chamanisme (au sens de vue du monde) dans ces sociétés ne peut donc se limiter au chamane thérapeute, en ignorant les activités corrélées, même si leur exécution est assurée par d'autres que lui. C'est à cette condition que peut se résoudre le paradoxe apparent de la présence, dans certaines sociétés, de traits chamaniques sans personnage condensant les fonctions à l'image du chamane sibérien - cas, notamment, de l'Afrique et de l'Australie, où le ou les spécialistes de divination, de thérapeutique et de sorcellerie ne conduisent pas les rituels réguliers visant la reproduction et l'obtention des ressources naturelles. Liée ou non à l'idée de contrat avec la nature, l'idée de mariage ou du moins de l'intimité du chamane avec une (ou plusieurs) femme esprit se rencontre aussi bien chez les Inuits (Canada) et les Jivaros (Équateur) que chez certains peuples d'Asie du Sud-Est ; c'est cette femme, le plus souvent connue en rêve, qui fait d'un homme un chamane et lui donne son pouvoir. Si la relation matrimoniale est inversée - l'esprit étant époux, et l'humain (qu'il soit homme ou femme) épouse -, on parlera alors plutôt de possession que de chamanisme, le possédé étant, quel que soit son sexe, conçu dans une position féminine (cas, entre autres, du possédé birman) ; bien des formes de possession africaines s'analysent également comme des alliances dans lesquelles le partenaire humain est en position d'épouse et est, par ailleurs, soumis à l'autorité d'un officiant. À défaut d'une véritable alliance, la fonction chamanique implique toujours un pacte individuel avec des esprits se manifestant sous la forme d'êtres naturels, sous-tendu par l'amour ou l'amitié : il en est ainsi des chamanes de plusieurs sociétés népalaises à l'égard d'esprits forestiers féminins, séducteurs, gratifiants mais dangereux. D'une manière générale, les relations avec des esprits humains opèrent dans deux domaines : les droits territoriaux (filiation à l'égard d'ancêtres) et les actes de sorcellerie et les maladies psychiques (vengeance entre groupes). 5. Une façon de gérer l'aléatoire À travers la diversité de ses manifestations et les degrés de son acculturation, la fonction chamanique peut être caractérisée comme une gestion de l'aléatoire réalisée par le jeu de relations contractuelles avec des partenaires surnaturels. Le caractère aléatoire est en effet le point commun entre les phénomènes que l'action chamanique a pour but de faire apparaître, selon qu'elle assure la reproduction de la société ou l'administration de ses désordres : gibier, pluie, fécondation, santé mentale (par la présence de l'âme dans le corps), non-vulnérabilité aux armes ennemies, découverte d'objets perdus, chance en amour, au jeu, en affaires, aux examens (comme nos voyantes), succès aux élections (dans les réserves indiennes d'Amérique du Nord) ; l'aspect divinatoire de l'action chamanique ne consiste pas à savoir l'avenir, mais à rendre conforme à la norme ou passible de traitement. La nature contractuelle des relations mises en œuvre fonde l'incapacité attestée du chamanisme à se muer en religion organisée et à s'élever au niveau étatique ; lié à un état archaïque de société acéphale, il se marginalise face à tout pouvoir centralisateur, devenant une forme de contre-pouvoir ; l'art de négocier qu'il réclame fraye la voie de la subversion. Cependant, l'intention de séduire, qui explique la personnalisation de la pratique, mène le chamanisme à être un creuset de créativité et une voie d'expression personnelle. Ce pragmatisme, qui fait la faiblesse institutionnelle du chamanisme, fait aussi sa force d'adaptation ; toujours présent aux marges d'autres idéologies, il est même revivifié par la situation de crise, car, là où les religions proposent la soumission à des instances transcendantes, il offre le recours de la connivence personnelle avec des partenaires indéfiniment renouvelables : il ouvre la voie de la chance. Enfin, le rôle imparti aux morts, envisagés à la fois dans la perspective de la réincarnation perpétuelle des âmes au sein de la société et comme partenaires potentiels, explique que le chamanisme devienne, pour des minorités (Sibérie, Amérique du Nord), un support d'ethnicité. Roberte Nicole HAMAYON - Encyclopædia Universalis 2004 Bibliographie : J.-P. CHAUMEIL, Voir, savoir, pouvoir. Le chamanisme chez les Yagua du Nord-Est péruvien, éd. de l'E.H.E.S.S., Paris, 1984
L. DELABY, Chamanes toungouses. Études mongoles et sibériennes, Paris, 1976
V. DIOSZEGI & M. HOPPAL dir., Shamanism in Siberia, Akademiaj Kiado, Budapest, 1978
M. ELIADE, Le Chamanisme et les techniques archaïques de l'extase, 1951, 5e éd. Payot 1988
L'Ethnographie, nos 74-75 et 87-88
R. N. HAMAYON, La Chasse à l'âme. Esquisse d'une théorie du chamanisme à partir d'exemples sibériens, Société d'ethnologie, Paris, 1989
I. M. LEWIS, Ecstatic religion, Schapera, Penguin Books, Baltimore, 1977
Les Religions de l'extase, P.U.F., Paris, 1977
Shamanism in Eurasia, 2 vol., Herodot, Göttingen, 1984
V. LIÈVRE & J.-Y. LOUDE, Le Chamanisme des Kalash du Pakistan, C.N.R.S., Lyon, 1990
M. PERRIN, Les Praticiens du rêve, P.U.F., 1992
G. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF, The Shaman and the Jaguar, Temple Univ. Press, Philadelphie, 1975
Voyages chamaniques, I, 1977 et II, 1982. |
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The Lukumí Pantheon The Lukumí Pantheon: Orishas Worshiped by the Lukumí
ãFrom the Archives of Miguel "Willie" Ramos, Ilarí Obá, Obá Oriaté
No part of this article may be reproduced without the author’s previous consent
The deities or gods worshipped in Lukumí religion are called orishas. All the orishas are direct emanations and representatives of Olodumare whom He created
and placed on earth to aid and supervise humankind. The orishas serve as mediators between the cosmos and as the major means of communication with the
Supreme Being.
Each divinity is related to some aspect of nature, as well as in charge of some element of human existence. The orishas can represent all the virtuous
qualities of the divine and sacrosanct, yet the orishas are also human's like in their characters and mannerisms. They are celestial, yet they are worldly too.
Some orishas are categorized as serene, calm or placid in their character and their relationship with humankind. Others tend to be very human: hot's headed,
whimsical, or erratic at times, while gentle, rational, caring, and generous at others. A very old Olorisha in Cuba once spoke of Yemojá and her priests, in
their character, as being �?..like the tide: sometimes high, sometimes low.�?nbsp; This may very well apply to all the orishas.
These human's like attributes of the Lukumí orishas play a very important role in the development and continuity of the religion. These are deities to which
human beings can relate. They have virtues and they have flaws. The orishas are not perfection or excellence personified. This places them on a level that
the devotee can relate to and employ to understand and accept his or her own virtues and flaws; thereby creating a bond between deity and devotee that is
built on a personal relationship and identification with an orisha.
The exact number of orishas worshipped by the Yoruba is difficult to calculate. Estimates place the number at 401, yet this figure lends itself to speculation.
In Yorubaland there are a series of orishas that are recognized and worshipped by all followers of Yoruba religion, and some orishas, which are only known and
worshipped in particular towns or villages. In the New World, the more widely's known divinities were able to retain their following, while the regional
orishas made their presence felt on a lesser scale, resulting in either their eventual loss, or a loss of the patterns of worship of the deity.
Many orishas were able to survive the trans's Atlantic voyage and reinstate themselves in Cuba. Yet adaptation was necessary in order to ensure survival.
In Cuba, the functions served by an orisha or the roles it carried out had to have a place within the structure of the island and its society. Orishas that
were no longer practical or necessary in the new setting were forgotten, diminished in rank or status, or incorporated into the “roads�?or avatars of
other major deities with whom they shared similarities. The “stronger�?orishas absorbed the “weaker�?ones. As a result, initiation into the cults of certain
orishas is performed through the “stronger�?deities, in ceremonies called “oros.�?A priest of Aganjú is ordained through Shangó, labeling the initiation
as Shangó with “oro�?for Aganjú. Erinle is made through Yemojá: Yemojá “oro�?for Erinle.
Those regional orishas that survived and retain some following are not worshipped as widely or as frequently, and knowledge about them is not as
widespread throughout the island. This, with the passage of time, has resulted in the loss of orishas that survived slavery, yet were not able to survive the
effects of time. A good example of this is Oshumaré, the rainbow divinity, lost in Cuba after the death of the last priestess knowledgeable in its worship and
rituals, during the mid twentieth century. This partial survival also rationalizes the discrepancies and the wide divergence of sometimes-conflictive
information devotees offer about the aspects and worship patterns of these divinities.
There are two principal categories of orisha: those that have existed from time immemorial, which for the purposes of the present shall be labeled “celestial,�?
and those orishas who were actual people or historical heroes, deified and elevated to the status of orisha after their death, which shall be referred to
as “terrestrial�?orishas. In some cases, (e.g. Jakutá and Shangó; Oduá and Oduduwá) these deified ancestors actually usurped the worship of older deities
and conformed to the established worship system for the elder orisha.
In Cuba, the orishas also went through a transformation process that may have either altered their position in the pantheon, changed their character or
personality, eliminated, diminished, or increased their natural dominions, or even attributed elements that were not essentially Yoruba. Oshún, a river
divinity in Yorubaland, becomes the sole “owner�?of the river in Cuba. Yemojá, worshipped principally in the Ogún River, becomes the “owner�?of the seas.
Oduduwá, because of his syncretism with Saint Manuel, becomes the “king of the dead.�?nbsp; Erinle is transformed into the “divine doctor,�?a role attributed by
Catholics to Saint Raphael. Yewá, a lagoon and river orisha, is transplanted to the cemetery.
Also as a result of the syncretic processes, the orishas are often referred to as “santos,�?and initiation into the cult of an orisha is termed as “hacer
santo—making the saint.�?nbsp; The annual celebrations held for the orishas actually take place on the anniversary of the Catholic saint with which it was
identified. In Cuba, it is not uncommon to see “tronos,�?the shrines or altars set up for rituals and celebrations, that contain both the Yoruba symbols and
recipients for the orisha as well as the sculpture of the Catholic saint. Also not uncommon is the use of certain paraphernalia related with the Catholic saint
to ornament the Lukumí orishas. Lukumí Shangó’s frequently have swords placed among their implements, an article that is attributed to Saint Barbara with whom
he was paralleled. A road of Obatalá called Oshalufón, paralleled with the Holy Sacrament, usually has a silver chalice placed before him made to resemble the
lithograph of the Holy sacrament. Obá Moró, juxtaposed with Jesus of Nazareth, uses a crown made out of thorns and silver replicas of Christ’s Passion.
Although the worshippers clearly distinguish the Lukumí orisha from the Catholic saint, it is irrefutable that syncretism has taken its toll.
A series of myths or patakí also arise which help to explain the transformations that took place in Cuba. An excellent example is the myth that recounts a love
affair between the caste Yewá and the sensual and promiscuous Shangó:
Yewá was a daughter of Oduduwá. She was the most beautiful woman to ever walk the face of the earth; the fairest flower in Oduduwá’s garden. In her father’s
eyes, Yewá symbolized perfection. At one point, Oduduwá made her promise that she would never marry, vowing to remain virgin and pure (in body and thought)
for all eternity. As the story spread and word of her beauty got out, Shangó said “Ha! There’s no woman in the world that can resist me. Let’s just see how
faithful Yewá truly is to her vows!�?nbsp; Shangó set out to conquer Yewá. One day, while visiting Oduduwá’s palace, Shangó passed under Yewá’s window and, amazed
by her beauty, figuratively violates her with his glare. Yewá, who noticed the gallant warrior, feels moved by his hypnotic gaze, and immediately fell madly
and passionately in love with Shangó.
This encounter was sufficient for Yewá to feel that she had violated her promise to her father. As a result, she confesses her sin, and condemns herself to
withdraw to a place where she could live in complete solitude for the duration of eternity. This is why Yewá lives in the cemetery.
The orishas have likes and dislikes. Each one has its particular preference for the color that is used in its worship and all the attributes, beads (eleké), and
related paraphernalia must conform to this code. Each orisha also has preferences in the animals it receives in sacrifice, and some have food and
behavioral taboos, which the worshippers make a point of never violating for fear of incurring the offense of a divinity. Also, each orisha has a number
related with its worship, which serves to regulate the number of items given to them in offerings by the devotees. Some orishas require particular dress codes
before them, moderation in speech, forbid foul language in their presence or place taboos on sexual intercourse or promiscuousness.
The following description of the Lukumí orishas, takes into account the characteristics, roles and attributes of each orishas from both a Yoruba and a
Lukumí perspective. It is meant to be a very basic description of the orishas, nothing more. Because I am not fluent in Yoruba, the names of the orishas are
written employing the anglified or Westernized Yoruba spelling used by past scholars, and not proper Yoruba.
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Orisha: Eshú-Elegbá (Elegguá)
Catholic Syncretism: Holy Child of Atocha
Celebration: June 3
Garments: Red, black, and white
Beads: Red & black; white & black; Red, white, & black
Ritual implement: A garabato—a type of hook, usually made with the wood of the
guava tree
Sacrifices: He-goats, agouties, turtles, chickens or young hens, and roosters
Taboos:
Palm kernel oil
It is forbidden to whistle in the home where Elegbá lives
Ritual Numbers:
3, 7, 11, or 21
Elegbá opens and closes every religious act. He is found at crossroads and corners, in the mountain, the seashore, the river, the curb of the sidewalk, or
at the door or our homes. Elegbá is everywhere. He is present wherever there exists a human manifestation, observing everything that occurs, both good and
evil, in order to report to Olorún. One can say that Elegbá serves as Olorún's eyes on earth.
Elegbá lives centered between the forces of good and the forces of evil. When one behaves according to Divine law, he manipulates the forces of good, ire, and
grants blessings. If, on the contrary, one behaves unduly, he opens the path for the evil forces such as ofo, ikú, arún, eyó (loss, death, disease, tragedy)
amongst others and due punishment is rendered.
Some roads of Elegbá are Eshú Bí—in charge of distributing the chores among his comrades; Eshú Ayankí (Añaguí)—lives at the shores of the ocean and is the
origin of all Elegbá; Eshú Lagbana who lurks in solitary places; Eshú Laroyé—the Eshú of mischief; Eshú Merinlayé�?Eshú of the crossroads; Eshú Ayé—the sorcerer;
Eshú Baralainye (Baralaiñe)—companion of Shangó that “keeps�?the secret of Shangó's fire; Eshú Awanilegbé—provides food for Ogún.
Orisha: Ogún
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Peter
Celebration: June 29
Garments: Crimson; lately green, black, and red are gaining popularity as Ogún's
garment's color
Beads: Green & black; green, black, & red; brown & black
Ritual implement: Machete
Sacrifices: He-goats, dogs, agouties, turtles, roosters, pigeons, guinea hens,
and any hunted animals
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 3, 7, and 21.
The god of iron and war. Ogún is the patron of the blacksmith and all those whose job places them in contact with iron or metals. Today, all things made
out of iron or its derivatives, belong to Ogún. This is the reason why in our industrialized societies Ogún is related to railways, airplanes, automobiles,
trucks, and anything made out of metal. Ogún represents and executes Olorún's justice on earth. According to most sources, the Yoruba worship and respect for
Ogún is such that traditional priests, when testifying in court, instead of swearing with their hand placed on a bible as the Christians do, swear over a
piece of iron. This practice is accepted and recognized by Nigerian courts, aware of the Yoruba respect for Ogún and their fear of his anger.
Some of his roads are Arere—the butcher; Alagbedé—the blacksmith; Shibirikí—the architect; Onile—the king who abandoned the throne for the call of the hunt;
Tenshowé—Ogún of agriculture, close friend of Orishaokó.
Orisha: Oshosi (Ochosi)
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Norbert
Celebration: June 6
Garments: Dark Blue and gold, ornamented with hides and cowries
Beads: Dark blue, amber, & red, with coral and jet beads
Ritual implement: Bow and arrow
Sacrifices: He-goats, deer, agoutis, roosters, quails, pigeons, guinea hens, and
all hunted animals.
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 3, 7, and 21
Oshosi is the orisha of hunting. He protects all those who are persecuted unjustly and punishes the guilty. Close friend of Elegbá and Ogún: they share
many of the same domains. Fugitive slaves would plea to Oshosi, seeking his aid to escape from their white masters. They invoked Oshosi so he would impede
their being found since Oshosi is known to have the ability of going into the densest of forests and finding his way out without the slightest difficulty.
Yet Oshosi does not live in the forest.Though Oshosi enters the forest, he does so only to hunt. Oshosi is an urban orisha, residing in Obatalá's compound. He was Obatalá's favorite hunter and
rendered all the fruits of his labor to the creation divinity. Most of his life was spent in the service of Obatalá and living within his palace and not in the
forest. Oshosi was the first Yoruba wizard or magician. The Yoruba word oshó means wizard. The Lukumí often associated him with the Bantú magico-religious
practices known in the island as Regla de Congos or Palo Mayombe. As a result, many include a Congo vititi mensu, divinatory instrument prepared and employed
by the Bantú priests.
Oshosi has no roads.
Orisha: Erinle (Inle)
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Raphael
Celebration: October 24
Garments: Turquoise blue & pink, ornamented with cowries
Beads: Coral, jet beads, and gold; turquoise blue, with coral, yellow, and opal.
A metal fish is strung into his eleké (necklace)
Ritual implement: Fishing rod; bow and arrow.
Sacrifices: Ram, sheep, fish, roosters, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: The leaves of the Alamo tree (Ficus religiosa, L.)
Ritual Numbers: 7
Better known among devotees as the “divine doctor,�?Erinle is the patron orisha of fishermen, although highly venerated for his knowledge of traditional
medicine and herb lore, an art that he shares with his brother Osayín. It is primarily for this knowledge that he is considered a “doctor�?or “healer.�?nbsp; Like
his brother Oshosi, he is also a patron of hunters. It is said that Oshosi hunts on land, and Erinle hunts in the rivers.
Erinle was a powerful and rich king, highly respected for his mastery of the art of divination. Lukumí oral traditions emphasize that he may have possessed
telepathic abilities. Erinle may be found in the river or in the sea, but particularly where these two bodies of water meet. In Cuba, Erinle’s devotees
are initiated through Yemojá in a ceremony usually referred to as oro—Yemojá oro Erinle, and her cowries serve as the communicating medium for this orisha, for
although he possesses his own cowries, Erinle does not “speak�?through his dilogún.
Erinle has no roads.
Orisha: Osayín (Osaín)
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Ambrose or Saint Sylvester
Celebration: December 31
Garments: He has no specific colors
Beads: Beads of all colors, sometimes using bones and pieces of wood
Ritual implement: Gourd
Sacrifices: He-goats, rams, turtles, roosters, quails, pigeons, guinea hens, and
all hunted animals
Taboos: Women cannot walk under his gourd. He must not live close to Oyá’s
attributes
Ritual Numbers: 7, 21
The traditional healer-orisha who dwells in the forest. All of nature is at his disposal. Osayín is an indispensable orisha, for without his help, worship of
the other orishas would not be possible. Without the necessary herbs provided by an Olú Osayín, the consecration of an orisha would be impossible. Osayín is
the god of traditional medicine. All herbs the world-over are his property and it is he that provides them for the salvation of humankind. He also shares them
with the other orishas.In Lukumí religion, Osayín has no priests. His followers are identified by the oracles or at birth. Children born with additional fingers are considered true
Olú Osayín. Though Osayín’s omó have no true need for ordination, when ordination is a necessity, they are initiated to Shangó and Osayín is
consecrated for them. It is believed that Osayín is Shangó's “godfather,�?his greatest and closest ally, who taught Shangó the art of magic, for which Osayín
is renowned. Osayín is considered a mysterious orisha. Phenomenal or grotesque in appearance, he is described as small in size, with only one eye, one hand, one
foot, a tiny ear which enables him to hear an ant crawling miles away, and the other, larger than his head, through which he hears absolutely nothing.
According to legend, he was not born so. His grotesque appearance is due to a conflict he encountered with Orúnmilá whereby the latter used Osayín's own magic
to disfigure him so.
Orisha: Orishaokó (Orichaocó)
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Isidor
Celebration: May 15
Garments: Red, ornamented with gold trimming. A second version is turquoise and
pink, laced with gold trimming
Beads: Turquoise, pink, some red and opal, with coral and jet beads
Ritual implement: Ox-drawn cart and plow
Sacrifices: He-goat, roosters, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 7
Orishaokó is the orisha of agriculture and of the harvest: the tiller of the land. With his plow, Orishaokó impregnates ilé (the earth) and fills her womb
with the seeds of her offspring that nourish humankind. Some of his symbols are often phallic. Among his ritual paraphernalia, we find a clay shingle and two
small coconuts, painted red and white. The shingle is believed to symbolize the penis while the coconuts are believed to represent the testicles. His aid is
often sought in cases of infertility or impotence. Orishaokó lives in both the farmlands and the forest. The children of Orishaokó are initiated through
Yemojá, with oro for Orishaokó.
He has no roads.
Orisha: Babaluaiyé (Babalú Ayé)
Catholic Syncretism: The popular Saint Lazarus worshiped by millions in Latin America, though not officially recognized as a saint by the Church
Celebration: December 17
Garments: Crimson and burlap
Beads: Colors depend on the road, yet most use a white bead which has blue
stripes, adorned with cowries and jet beads
Ritual implement: The já, a broom-like scepter, made from the spines of the
sprouting leaves of the coconut palm
Sacrifices: He-goats, quails, roosters, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: Sesame seeds and peanut shells
Ritual numbers: 7, 17
The orisha of smallpox, leprosy and all contagious diseases, and in general, the deification of disease. To many, Babaluaiyé is the Divine wrath of Olodumaré.
Once liberated, he is often uncontrollable. In Africa this orisha is respected and feared because he is believed to cause great epidemics. In Cuba, partly
influenced by the parallelization with Saint Lazarus, he is sought to assail disease and epidemics. It seems that in Cuba the Arará were more versed in the rituals of this orisha
than the Lukumí, even though it is believed that the Babaluaiyé worshipped in Dahomey migrated there from Yorubaland. Babaluaiyé is considered the patron of the poor and desolate. He usually
wanders alone through the forests. In some Yoruba towns, when he enters the city, water is cast outdoors to appease his wrath. In Cuba, when Babaluaiyé’s
chants are sung in a wemilere or bembé, water is poured on the ground and all those present wet the tip of their fingers in the water and then anoint the
foreheads with it. In Matanzas, Babaluaiyé’s omó are ordained directly into his worship, however this is not the case in Havana. There the omó is either
ordained through Yemojá or ordained to Obatalá after consecrating Babaluaiyé. There are two female orishas related with Babaluaiyé: Nanúme—his mother, and
Naná Burukú—his wife (detailed ahead). The former is associated with the containment of contagious diseases as well, and especially with skin sores or
lesions. She is also associated with cancer and is believed to keep the disease from spreading. Nanúme receives sacrifices of she-goat, hens, pigeons and
guinea hens. She dresses in black and burlap, and is paralleled with Saint Martha. Nanúme does not identify any direct omó.
Orisha: Dadá & Bayaní (Ibañálé, Abañálé)
Catholic Syncretism: Our Lady of the Rosary and Saint Raymond Nonato
Celebration:
Garments: White with red trimming
Beads: White and red, ornamented with cowries
Ritual implement: Crown made with a calabash, studded with beads and cowries
Sacrifices: Young ram, pigeons and guinea hens (some lineages sacrifice
roosters)
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 4, 6, and 12
Dadá is the god of unborn children. He is one of the orishas that is related with the development and care of the human embryo. Children born with a tuft of
hair in a crown-like manner are believed to be children of Dadá. The Lukumí believe that Dadá is Shangó’s older sibling who reared him. Dadá and Bayaní are
especially linked to Shangó, through whom Dadá’s omó is ordained, though people with Dadá for their tutelary orisha are very few. In pre-revolutionary Cuba,
there were a mere handful of ordinations to Dadá. Bayaní is Shangó’s crown, a pacifist advisor who helps him rule with a level head. As in the case of Erinle
and Abatán, these two orishas are consecrated together. Dadá’s symbols live in a bowl that is covered with the calabash-crown ornamented with beads and cowries
that represents Bayaní. The former is said to nurture the omó of Shangó for whom the orisha is consecrated. The latter is believed to afford reasoning and
judiciousness, as well as spiritual and physical stability. Dadá is an enigmatic orisha. In most Lukumí myths, Dadá is described as
Shangó’s older sister and is credited with raising him. In ritual, though, and especially in the order of the chants, Dadá is grouped with the male orishas.
Dadá’s attributes, amongst them an edún ará—thunderstone, are primarily masculine. Bayaní is the one with the more feminine attributes, represented by
the twelve braids that cling from the gourd-crown that are made with beads and cowries.
Orisha: Aganjú
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Christopher
Celebration: November 16
Garments: Burgundy ornamented with variegated colors and gold trimming
Beads: Reddish brown and opal colored beads, ornamented with various colors
Ritual implement: An axe that is sustained by a central handle with two blades on each extreme of the handle
Sacrifices: Castrated goat, he-goat, young bulls, quails, pigeons, and guinea hens (some lineages sacrifice roosters)
Taboos: None
Ritual Number: 9
Aganjú is the orisha of the desert and the volcano. He is a brute but regenerative force deified as an orisha. Possibly because of the association
with Saint Christopher, he is also considered the orisha of travelers. Depending on the version, Aganjú is either Shangó’s father of Shangó’s younger
brother who ruled as the 5th Alafín of Oyó. His main domain is the desert. When the Yorubas migrated to their present home,
after migrating for years through the desert, Aganjú’s worship waned. Much of the knowledge related with the orisha was eventually lost. In Cuba, Aganjú
acquired more popularity as an orisha in the early twentieth century. As a result of the obscure state of his cult, his omó are ordained through Shangó.
Aganjú has no roads.
Orisha: Shangó
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Barbara
Celebration: December 4
Garments: Red with gold trimming
Beads: Red and white
Ritual implement: A double-headed axe
Sacrifices: Rams, young bulls, turtles, quails, roosters and guinea hens
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 6
The god of thunder, fire, and masculine virility. Shangó was the fourth Alafín—king—of the Oyó Empire, a powerful West African polity that exercised
considerable control over the area for over four centuries. After his death, Shangó was deified and ascended to the status of an orisha. His worship became
so popular that it eclipsed the cult of the earlier thunder gods called Jakutá—hurler of stones; and Oramfé (Oranifé)—an Ilé Ifé deity.
Shangó is probably the most popular orisha in the Lukumí pantheon. This is probably influenced by the innumerable myths that describe his charming and
virile nature and recount his multiple romantic adventures with different women. Shangó despises lies and cheating. His anger is made evident through thunder
and lightning. When he has been offended, he is a menacing storm and the lightning bolt executes his sentence. He is also an executioner for
Olodumaré—he punishes those who have offended the Creator or broken any Divine dictates.
When Shangó possesses, he is an avid and masterful dancer. He brandishes his oshé�?double-headed axe—through the air, symbolically slashing away at evil or
the head of an enemy. He has a direct relationship with many orishas. Oba was his legitimate wife, but her lack of physical beauty distanced him. He found an
equal in Oyá, his second wife and sidekick. Oyá and Shangó are so alike that they can be described as two faces of the same coin. The sensuous Oshún was his
favorite wife. This is the only orisha that could manipulate Shangó into anything. When they meet in a wemilere, Shangó will almost always try to
enchant Oshún and she ignores him with a seductive cynicism typical of the flirtatious orisha.
In Havana Shangó does not have roads, but Olorishas in Matanzas do identify roads for Shangó.
Orisha: Obatalá
Catholic Syncretism: Our Lady of Mercy
Celebration: September 24
Garments: White with silver trimming
Beads: White with ivory and mother of pearl
Ritual implement: White horse or cow tail whisk; a cane
Sacrifices: She-goat, he-goat, hens, roosters, pigeons and guinea hens
Taboos: Salt, palm oil and liquor
Ritual Numbers: 8
Obatalá is the orisha of creation, peace, and purity. His name means “king who dresses in white�?or “king of the white cloth.�?nbsp; Olodumaré entrusted him with
the creation of human beings. But Obatalá loved palm wine, and one night, under the effects of the wine, he accidentally created a number of deformed beings.
From his encounter were born the albino, the dwarf, the hunchback, the twisted, the lame and other malformed human beings. Though he was entrusted with molding
the body, life was solely Olodumaré’s domain, and that evening when Olodumaré descended to breathe life into Obatalá’s creation, these offspring of Obatalá
came to life. Since that day, anyone born with any birth defect is considered an ení orisha�?protected by the orisha—and an omó of Obatalá. Any person with
any sort of physical defect must be ordained to Obatalá even if their orisha had been previously identified as anything other than Obatalá.
The Lukumí recognize numerous roads or avatars of Obatalá. The vary greatly as does the personality of this orisha. Ajáguna—the war-loving and powerful
warrior who many consider the Shangó of the Obatalá; the frail Yekú Yekú—blind and hunchbacked, who represents the wonders of old age and the wisdom that
accompanies it; Alagéma—the chameleon who tested the solid earth to ensure that it was firm enough for human settlement; and Oshaogiyán—the mature, level headed
road of Obatalá that knows the suffering caused by war and attempts to console humanity with maturity and understanding. Some roads—Oshanlá (Orishanlá),
Obanlá, and Erú Ayé—are considered female, clearly an Egbado influence.
There are close to fifty roads of Obatalá. In addition, Obatalá has a number of deputies, an entire group of deities typically referred to as orisha fúnfún—white orishas—that will be detailed ahead.
Orisha: Oduduwá (Oduá, Odúduá)
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Manuel
Celebration: January 1
Garments: White with silver trimmings
Beads: Opal, with coral, mother of pearl, and ivory
Ritual implement: Closed calabash
Sacrifices: He and she-goats, roosters, hens, pigeons, and guinea hens, all
white
Taboos: Sexual promiscuity
Ritual Numbers: 16
Oduduwá is a somewhat controversial orisha. The original divinity, Oduá, accompanied Obatalá to earth. Although most agree that she was his concubine,
others place her as a female aspect or complement of Obatalá. At some point in Yoruba history, a powerful warrior from the north found his way to Yoruba
country, conquered it, and eventually instated himself as the first Oní or king of Ilé Ifé. This warrior is Oduduwá, considered the progenitor of the Yoruba
race by many, and the ancestor from whom all Ifé kings claim descent, to this very day. As is the case with Shangó, Oduduwá’s popularity overshadowed that of Oduá, the
original deity. After Oduduwá’s death, undoubtedly much more revered than the original divinity because of his accomplishments as a warrior, the worship of
Oduá is taken over by the veneration of the warrior. The result is a type of syncretism between Oduá and Oduduwá, where the two deities merge and form one.
The strongest absorbed the weakest. This is why the Lukumí consider Oduduwá as a male Orisha. He is believed to have over one hundred twenty four roads.
Possibly because of his syncretism with Saint Manuel, in Cuba, Oduduwá is given the title of “King of the dead.�?nbsp; He is an Orisha that is closely linked with
life and death. In Lukumí lore, when a human being’s time to return to orún arrives, Oyá comes and carries the soul away. Babaluaiyé takes the cadaver to
the doors of the cemetery where Oba “documents�?the arrival. Boromú and Borosiá take the cadaver to the tomb where Yewá lays it to rest, and Oduduwá takes over
the process of putrefaction, leaving just the skeletal remains. Oduduwá is the most respected and powerful Orisha in Lukumí practice. Like
Obatalá with whom he is often linked, Oduduwá offerings are taken to the foot of a hill or mountain, and because of his relationship with death, he may also
receive offerings at the cemetery or have them buried in the ground. His omó are either ordained directly or through Obatalá. However, initiation into his
cult is becoming a rare phenomenon.
Orisha: Oba
Origin: Celestial
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Kathleen of Sienna
Celebration: April 30
Garments: Burgundy ornamented with pink, and gold trimming
Beads: Brown, with Opal and coral. A small, gold key hangs from her eleké
Ritual implement: Chest and key
Sacrifices: She-goats or castrated goats, hens, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: Oba forbids adultery
Number: 8
The patron Orisha of matrimony. She presides over a river in Nigeria that bears her name. Oba is Shangó's original and legitimate wife. According to one myth,
she was simple in appearance, lacking physical beauty. Shangó paid little attention to her. Even though she was his principal wife, Oba lacked the
feminine and flirtatious qualities Shangó found in her great rival, Oshún. Her struggle to conserve her husband's love and interest led her to commit a brutal
act that destroyed her marriage, eventually resulting in her being despised by Shangó and her eventual death. It is said that she cried so much that her tears
formed the river that bears her name. The Lukumí believe Oba is an irascible warrior-divinity that fights alongside her husband. Ogún trained her in the art of warfare and she brandishes a sword
or machete as well as any man. Still, when Shangó is depressed or apprehensive, she replaces her bellicose nature with kindness and understanding, and consoles
her husband, lending moral support for all his struggles. In recent times, initiation into Oba’s worship has been lost. Her omó are currently ordained
through Oshún.
Oba has no roads.
Orisha: Yewá (Yeguá)
Origin: Celestial
Catholic Syncretism: Our Lady of Montserrat
Celebration: April 27
Garments: Crimson or pink and crimson
Beads: Pink and red (or burgundy), with coral and mother of pearl.
Ritual implement: None
Sacrifices: She-goats, ducks, hens, pigeons, and guinea hens, and all must be
virgin.
Taboos: Sexual promiscuity and the use of foul language in her presence. She
requires full attire in her presence.
Ritual Numbers: 7, 9
Yewá is a very severe and reclusive orisha, intimately linked to death. It is believed that this is the orisha that watches over the cadaver when it is laid
to rest. Although closely related with maritime affairs, she is worshipped in the cemetery, the river, and the lagoon. Her favorite offerings are flowers,
particularly fragrant ones, and in Lukumí lore is considered to be the most beautiful and coveted flower in Oduduwá’s garden, whom Shangó eventually seduces
and “disgraces.�?Many priests claim that in Yorubaland Yewá was worshipped within a cave that could only be reached by swimming across the lagoon she presided over along with
Olosá, orisha of the lagoon. She is described as an Amazon-like queen, forbidding sexual contact for her worshippers. Her court was attended by
eunuchs under the supervision of Logún Edé.
Yewá has no roads.
Orisha: Oyá
Origin: Celestial
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Theresa in Havana: Our Lady of Candlemas in Matanzas
Celebration: October 15 in Havana: February 2 in Matanzas
Garments: Crimson, and multi-colored prints
Beads: A reddish brown bead with black and white stripes, plus red and brown
Ritual implement: Black horse or cow switch; machete
Sacrifices: She-goats, hens, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: Rams
Ritual Numbers: 9
The goddess of the wind, lightning, and the marketplace. Oyá is a feared, Amazon-like warrior divinity that can be found wherever a battle is stirred.
She was the only one of Shangó’s wives that accompanied him to his sad end. Their love is so great and profound that to this day, they manifest themselves
together. Whenever there is lightning (Oyá) in the sky, the thunder (Shangó) is not too far behind. Oyá paves Shangó's path in many of his great battles,
facilitating his entry and ensuring conquest.
The Yorubas worship Oyá at the river that bears her name. In Cuba, she loses her fluvial qualities. The Lukumí associate Oyá with the cemetery, although
Oyá’s true habitat is in the marketplace. The association with Egúngún (the ancestors) extends Oyá’s dominion to the gates of the cemetery. She is the only
Orisha that is able to placate Egúngún's anger. Oyá accompanies every human being’s soul to the gates of orún. With Oyá’s iruké—horse or cow-tail switch,
Olorishas cleanse the cadaver of the deceased priest or priestess, symbolically paving a clean and sure path to orún.
Oyá has no roads.
Orisha: Naná Burukú (Naná Burucú)
Origin: Celestial
Catholic Syncretism: Our Lady of Mt. Carmel
Celebration: July 16
Garments: Pink and black, with gold ornaments
Beads: Pink and black, with coral, jet beads, and cowries. In the town of Jovellanos, in Matanzas Province, Naná’s eleké was strung with a yellow bead
with red and green stripes, and turquoise-blue beads
Ritual implement: A curved “já�?BR>Sacrifices: She-goats, pigs, ducks, hens, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: She must not be sacrificed to with a knife. Her jar cannot be placed in close proximity to Ogún
Ritual Numbers: 7, 9
The concubine of Babaluaiyé. Naná is a very sacred and austere orisha. In Dahomey, where devotion to her is taken to be greater, she is believed to be the
mother of Mawu-Lisa, the Ewe-Fon equivalent of the Supreme Being. In Brazil she is considered the grandmother of the orishas. In Cuba she is exalted as a
“discoverer�?since she is renowned for making evident illnesses that may be concealed within the human body which modern medicine cannot find. She is also
known as the mother of fresh waters and is worshipped at the head of the river and in the lagoon.
In a celebration held by the orishas to honor Ogún, the god of iron became heavily intoxicated, and as a result, extremely arrogant. Naná Burukú refused
to pay the homage that Ogún had requested in payment for having paved the orisha’s way from orún to earth, which Ogún was now demanding. His drunken ill
respects offended her. From that day, she rejected him and refuses the use of metal in any of her rituals. Ever since, Naná’s sacrifices are performed with a
sharp bamboo or wooden knife.
Naná has no roads.
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Orisha: Yemojá (Yemayá)
Origin: Celestial
Catholic Syncretism: Our Lady of Regla
Celebration: September 8
Garments: Blue (all shades), white, with silver trimmings
Beads: Blue (all shades), crystal or opal, with either red or coral
Ritual implement: Black cow or horse switch; machete; anchor
Sacrifices: Rams, sheep, roosters, ducks, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 7
Yemojá shares with Oshún the role of being the two most venerated female orishas
amongst the Lukumí. However, because of Yemojá’s more austere nature, her aid
is sought with less frequency than Oshún’s. Yemojá can be as serene as a
tranquil bay or as austere as a typhoon. Her name means “mother of fishes�?
(Iyá-omó-ejá). In Yorubaland, Yemojá presides over the Ogún River, yet all the
world's waters are her domains. She is the symbol of motherhood: the mother of
the world. Yemojá is credited with giving birth to many of the orishas. She is
described as a very black woman with extremely large breasts that enable her to
nurture all of humankind.
In Cuba, Yemojá is considered the goddess of the sea. It is quite possible that
throughout the voyage from Africa to the New World, the slaves, not knowing
their whereabouts, pleaded with Yemojá for her aid. Somehow, the ocean became
the receptor of the slave’s pleas to the extent that today it is believed to be
Yemojá’s habitat. Yemojá can live in the ocean or the river; in a lake or in a
lagoon; in the marshes as well as in a puddle. Yemojá is present in every body
of water.
Some of her roads are Ogúnté (Okuté)—land-roaming, wife of Ogún, who swings a
machete as well as her husband; Ibú Ashabá—found at the docks and represented by
the boat’s anchor; Ibú Asesú—messenger of Olokún, lives in tranquil waters;
Mojelewú (Mayelewó)—head of the marketplace; Ibú Aganá—lives in the well or in
the aquifers.
Orisha: Oshún (Ochún)
Origin: Celestial
Catholic Syncretism: Our Lady of Charity
Celebration: September 12
Garments: Yellow or amber, with gold trimmings
Beads: Amber or honey colored beads, with yellow, green, red, with coral
Ritual implement: Brass bell; a fan ornamented with peacock feathers
Sacrifices: Castrated goats, hens, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: None generic, though some of her roads do have specific proscriptions
Ritual Numbers: 5
The Yoruba Venus. The goddess of love, sexuality, beauty, and feminine
flirtatiousness; patron of a river in Nigeria that bears her name. Nothing is
impossible for Oshún. She is very kind, but can become very vindictive and
rancorous when she encounters opposition. It is precisely because of this
irrational and stubborn character that many consider Oshún the most fragile yet
feared orisha. When she cries, she does so out of joy: when she laughs, she
does so out of anger. When offended, she will ignore the offender, acting as if
nothing occurred. At some future date, when her offender has probably forgotten
the occurrence, she remembers an old debt and claims immediate payment. The
lady wants it and she wants it now! The offended Oshún is infamous for
attacking her desecrator through the blood or the genitals. Impotent men have
often become so after incurring her anger.
Although by virtue of her various roles in the Yoruba pantheon Oshún appears to
be an amiable and gratifying deity, deeper analysis reveals Oshún to be a
suffered and grieving deity. Her loud laugh and cheerful character is but a
disguise to hide her pain. Oshún was a great queen who ruled capriciously
through her husband Shangó. She always sought to have her way. Oshún enjoyed
all the fine things of life; she acquired everything a woman could desire. And
then she lost it! Oshún is the representation of femininity, as well as of human
desires that can sometimes lead humankind to commit errors that are later
regretted. The ants are her messengers; and the bees are her greatest friends
that produce honey, the element that allows her to conquer all obstacles and
tribulations.
Some of her roads are Ibú Ikolé—the sorceress, related with the vulture; Ibú
Apará (Aparó; Akuaró)—wife of Erinle who abandoned the throne to elope with
Shangó, losing all her riches; Ibú Oló Lodí—wife of Orúnmilá who is as great a
diviner as he; Ibú Iyumú—mother and eldest of all the Oshún, lives at the bottom
of the river; Ibú Dokó�?patron of the sexual act, wife of Orishaokó.
Orisha: Orúnmilá (Orúnlá)
Origin: Celestial
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Francis of Assisi
Celebration: October 4
Garments: Green and yellow, with gold trimming
Beads: Green and yellow
Ritual implement: The opón Ifá—divining tray
Sacrifices: She-goats and hens
Taboos: None
Ritual Number: 16
The orisha of divination, responsible for the Ifá oracle, system that is often
confused with the Orisha himself. Ifá, as a prophetic system, is possibly the
most complete and accurate system of divination employed in West Africa. The
system's origin, according to some priests, is not entirely Yoruba. Past
scholars and Olorishas have argued that it originated in Egypt or the desert
areas. It is interesting to note that Orúnmilá is the only Yoruba deity who is
not represented with stones. This factor places further emphasis on Ifá’s
possible origins in the desert areas.
Orúnmilá’s priests are known as Babalawos—fathers of the secrets (or of the
mysteries). On their left wrists, priests and devotees of this Orisha wear a
bracelet made with green and yellow beads called “ide’fá.�?The ide’fá is
empowered with the ability to protect the bearer against evil and untimely
death. Many followers of the religion wear this bracelet so that death does not
take the person from earth until heaven or destiny decides it is time.
In Yorubaland as well as in Cuba, priests and devotees never make important
decisions without prior consultation with the oracles. Though not the only
oracle, Ifá is a medium that guides daily living and behavior for many, and
provides the necessary faith and hope for forbearance and resignation before
life’s many tests of endurance.
Orúnmilá is embodied and represented by the ikín—the palm nut—and it is one of
the principal elements used for Ifá divination. The apón Ifá or até, the
divination tray, is also a widely recognized implement used by Orúnmilá.
Orúnmilá never possesses his devotees, nor does he have roads.
Orisha: Olokún (Olocún)
Origin: Celestial
Catholic Syncretism: None
Celebration: None
Garments: Dark blue, with silver or gold trimmings
Beads: Dark blue, green, red, with coral
Ritual implement: None
Sacrifices: Rams, sheep, pigs, ducks, roosters, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: Requires full attire in his presence
Ritual Numbers: 7, 9, and 21
Olokún is the Yoruba Neptune, owner of the profundities of the ocean. In Cuba,
Olokún is considered female by most Olorishas, though in much of the
anthropological literature, Olokún is described as a male god. It seems that is
some parts of Yorubaland, Olokún is worshiped as a “mother�?divinity. However,
all evidence points to the fact that originally Olokún was conceived of as a
masculine divinity.
Olokún lives in a removed, underwater palace that is made entirely out of coral.
The Odu Owaní’shé narrates a myth that describes how Olokún once considered
himself more powerful than Olodumaré. After a great contest of wits, which
Olokún of course lost, Olodumaré decreed that Olokún should be chained to the
ocean floor from where he would rule. He assigned two messengers to accompany
him and bring to earth his wishes: the Yemojá Ibú Asesú and Ibú Ashabá. This is
probably why in Lukumí religion Olokún is often called Yemojá-Olokún.
Olokún is a very enigmatic orisha, highly respected, sometimes even feared, for
his wrath is great and uncontrollable. In extreme cases or major holocausts, he
may request offerings at high sea. Most Olorishas fear this ritual for it is
believed that after the ceremony finishes, one of the participants is sure to
die. Olokún has no roads.
Minor Orishas and Orishas Whose Worship is Either Linked With or Dependent on a
Major Orisha
Orisha: Abatán
Catholic Syncretism: None
Beads: None
Ritual implement: Bow and arrow
Sacrifices: Same as Erinle
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 7 or 2
Abatán is the orisha of the marshlands, companion of Erinle, believed to reside
in the marshes that precede the river in Yorubaland where Erinle is worshipped.
In Cuba, Abatán is received and propitiated together with Erinle and has no
direct cult of her own. Many priests consider Erinle to be the doctor and Abatán
a species of “nurse�?or aid.
Orisha: Aroní
Catholic Syncretism: None
Celebration: December 31
Garments: He has no specific colors
Beads: None
Ritual implement: None
Sacrifices: He-goats, turtles, and roosters.
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 7
Aroní is an orisha that works closely with Osayín and Ayá. He is described as a
phenomenal creature that has the head and tail of a dog and the body of a human
being, standing erect on his only leg. It is believed that Aroní instructs his
disciples in all the mysteries of the forest. When Aroní chooses a student, the
individual inexplicably disappears in the forest for an indefinite period of
time. After the individual has acquired the necessary knowledge, Aroní returns
him to the world, providing a hair from his tail as evidence of his training.
Orisha: Oké (Oqué)
Catholic Syncretism: San Roque
Celebration: None. His day is observed with Obatalá’s
Beads: None
Ritual implement: None
Sacrifices: She-goat, he-goat, hens, roosters, white pigeons and guinea hens
Taboos: Palm oil
Ritual Numbers: 16
Oké is the orisha of the mountain and the hills. He represents long life or
immortality. Oké is an orisha fúnfún and an inseparable companion of
Obatalá.[1] Offerings to this orisha are usually taken to the base of a hill or
mountain. In extreme cases, sacrifices may be offered to Oké on a mountaintop
as well. Oké is worshipped in conjunction with Obatalá and has neither omó nor
roads.
Orisha: Korinkoto
Beads: Royal blue, amber and black
Ritual implement: an irawó—an approximately 5 to 6 inch metal plate in the shape
of a star with a long strip protruding from one side that is engraved to
simulate the streaks left behind by a falling star
Sacrifices: he-goats, roosters, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 3 and 7
Korinkoto is Orishaokó’s brother, also connected with agriculture and harvests.
It is believed that Orishaokó tends the fields during the day and Korinkoto
takes care of them at night. Together with an entity called shigidí, a type of
Eshú, Korinkoto represents the unknown mysteries embedded in the depths of the
earth. He has no direct initiations and no roads.
Orisha: Ogé
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Philomene
Celebration:
Beads: None
Ritual implement: Two bull or buffalo horns
Sacrifices: Pigeons, though some lineages sacrifice to Ogé together with Shangó
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 2, 6
Ogé is the orisha of direction who guides people down the paths of life.
Represented by a pair of ox or buffalo horns, Ogé is found in the forests and in
the savannahs. This orisha is believed to have been Oyá’s pawn. Once, after
disobeying Shangó and incurring his wrath, she offers numerous gifts to him as a
peace tokens that include Ogé.
Orisha: Ibejí
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Cosme and Saint Damian
Celebration: September 27
Garments: The Lukumí dress the eré Ibejí—Ibejí dolls or carvings�?in red and
blue
Sacrifices: Chickens and pigeons
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 2, 4, and 8
In Yorubaland, the worship of Ibejí was dedicated to propitiate the birth and
incarnated spirits of twins. Ibejí is the patron Orisha of twins. Still, Ibejí
is also a cult to twin births, where tribute is paid to the mother and the
children, and especially in the case where one or both twins died on or after
birth. For inexplicable reasons, the Yoruba people have the highest incidence
of twin births in the world.
The first twin born is named Taiwó—go out and taste the world. The second twin
is called Kehindé—I shall follow. If the former indicates to the latter that
life is a pleasant affair, Kehindé follows suit and is born. Taiwó is
considered the youngest Ibejí and Kehindé is the older of the two.
Tradition argues that the first-born pair of Ibejí were children of Shangó and
Oshún, and were raised by Yemojá. Ibejí are considered very powerful beings.
One myth narrates a Creole myth that details how once the Ibejí outsmarted the
devil. In fact, they are “living orishas.�?nbsp; Typically they do not have to be
ordained as they are gifted from birth. However, when they are ordained, Taiwó
is ordained to Shangó and Kehindé is ordained to Yemojá.
Whenever Ibejí are present at wemileres or bembés, the drummers will salute the
Ibejí singing their chants and playing their rhythms, and offer them gifts of
money. It is believed that Ibejí will multiply this gift in many ways.
Orisha: Ainá
Catholic Syncretism: None
Celebration: None
Garments: Ainá’s eré is dressed entirely in red
Beads: 1. Made with a type of bead called “white hearts�?because they are red on
the outside and white on the inside
Sacrifices: Roosters, pigeons and guinea hens
Ritual Numbers: 6 and 12
Ainá is the patron orisha of children born with the umbilical chord wrapped
around their neck. In Cuba she is also considered the “mother�?of the Ibejí, as
she is the principal orisha in a pantheon that pays homage to birth-related
phenomena. The Lukumí talk about seven Ibejí: Ainá, Taiwó, Kehindé, Idowú,
Olorí, Oroniá, and Alaba. Ainá is the deity in charge of this legion.
Ainá is also associated with fire. She allows Shangó to spurt forth fire from
his mouth when he speaks. Ainá’s devotees, those children born wrapped in the
umbilical chord, are ordained to Shangó.
Orisha: Oranyán (Oroiña)
Catholic Syncretism: None
Celebration: None
Beads: Pink and opal colored beads, ornamented with coral
Ritual implement: None
Sacrifices: Castrated goat, he-goat, young bulls, roosters, quails, pigeons, and
guinea hens
Taboos: None
Ritual Number: 7 and 16
Oranyán is a son of Oduduwá, believed to be the father of Dadá, Shangó, and
Aganjú. According to mythology, he was the child of a woman that Ogún had
brought back from a distant land where he had fought. When Oduduwá saw the
woman, he was immediately attracted to her and demanded to have her. Some time
later, Oranyán was born. He was half black like Ogún, and half white like
Oduduwá. In Yorubaland, during Oranyán’s festival, priests of the orisha paint
their bodies in this fashion.[2] Oranyán became a great warrior. After his
father’s death, he ascended to the throne. As time passed, he became so tired
of fighting that he decided to retire to the depths of the earth from where he
continues to reign.
Oranyán is considered to be the earth’s core and the force that keeps the earth
gyrating through space. His sacrifices are always performed in conjunction with
those of Ilé—the earth. The Lukumí associate Oranyán with Aganjú. In fact,
many Olorishas call Aganjú by his father’s name. Many Olorisha do not recognize
him as an individual orisha and insist that he and Aganjú are one and the same.
Oranyán has neither omó nor roads.
Orisha: Boromú
Catholic Syncretism: Boromú is syncretized with Saint Elijah.
Celebration: July 20
Beads: White and green, with mother of pearl, coral, and ivory
Sacrifices: He-goats, roosters, pigeons, and guinea hens, all white.
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 4, 7, and 8
Orisha: Borosiá
Catholic syncretism: None
Beads: 1. White and pink, with mother of pearl, coral, and ivory.
2. Yellow and green, in groups of four
Sacrifices: He-goats, roosters, pigeons, and guinea hens, all white.
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 4, 7, and 8
Boromú and Borosiá are two Egbado orishas and for part of the orisha fúnfún or
white deities associated with Obatalá. They are believed to be twin offspring
of Yewá. The father of these orishas may be Orúnmilá, yet in Cuba, Olorishas
maintain that it is Shangó. They are closely tied into the worship of Oduduwá,
Olokún, Erinle, and Yewá. It is believed that when Yewá first learned of her
pregnancy, the embarrassment led her to attempt to provoke a miscarriage.
Orisha: Yemowó (Yembó, Yemó, Yemú)
Beads: White and turquoise blue, with mother of pearl, white coral, and ivory
Sacrifices: Sheep, roosters, pigeons, and guinea hens, all white
Taboos: She cannot be sacrificed to with a knife; sexual promiscuity
Ritual Numbers: 16
Yemowó is the wife of Babá Furúrú (also known as Alamoreré), the sculptor
Obatalá who is credited with the creation of humankind. Olorishas consider her
a road of Yemojá that is related with Obatalá, and worship her separately from
Yemojá. It is believed that she is the mother of Ogún, and one myth says that
because of the incestuous rape of his mother, Ogún condemned himself to live in
the forest and work incessantly to benefit and repay humankind. After the
occurrence, Obatalá refused to have any more children. Soon after, when
Orúnmilá was born, he was immediately taken into the forest and interred up to
his waist, and left there to die. But then Shangó was born and Yemowó refused
to castigate him in the same way that Orúnmilá had been. She gave him to Dadá
to raise and hid his birth from Obatalá, telling him that the child had died at
birth.
This myth explains why Yemowó refuses any association with Ogún. As is the case
with Naná Burukú, her sacrifices cannot be performed with a metal knife. A
sharp piece of wood or glass substitute the knife.
Orisha: Ogán
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Jacques
Celebration: August 16
Beads: White speckled with red beads
Ritual Implement: A scimitar
Sacrifice: He-goats, roosters, pigeons and guinea hens
Taboos: As an orisha fúnfún, he observes the same taboos as Obatalá, though palm
oil may be offered at times
Ritual Numbers: 1, 8, and 16
Ogán is an orisha fúnfún, considered Ajáguna’s war chief. Many Olorishas
consider him a sort of Elegbá for Ajáguna. Two other minor deities, Obón and
Oboní, accompany him. Ogán has no initiation.
Orisha: Agidaí
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Bartholomew
Celebration:
Beads: White
Ritual Implement: a “T�?shaped staff surmounted by a rooster with two arms and
two legs clinging from each extreme of the horizontal bar
Sacrifice: He-goat, roosters, pigeons and guinea hens
Taboos: As an orisha fúnfún, he observes the same taboos as Obatalá, though palm
oil may be offered at times
Ritual Numbers: 1, 4, 8, and 16
Agidaí is another obscure orisha of which very little is known. In all
probability, I may have been the first Olorisha to bring this deity to the
United States. I received it with Miguel Villa, Oké Bí, an Oní Shangó who died
in the early 1990s. Oké Bí told me that this orisha was the patron of the Obá
Oriaté and that it promoted the development of afudashé—spoken ashé—an
indispensable prophetic ability for the diviner so that the predictions made in
itá would come to fruition. In addition, Oké Bí taught me that Agidaí was an
important orisha for combating epidemics and even taught me ebó to perform for
Agidaí for these types of situations.
Though it is not clear where Oké Bí received this orisha, it may possibly have
Arará origins as there is a vodún worshiped by the Arará that belongs to the
family of Makeno, Obatalá’s equivalent, that is named Agidaí.
Orisha: Irokó (Irocó)
Catholic Syncretism: The Immaculate Conception
Celebration: December 8
Beads: Green and turquoise, with red, pink and coral ornaments
Garments: White with green and gold trimming
Ritual Implement: A walking cane either painted or beaded in his ritual colors
Sacrifice: Ram, he-goats, bullocks, turtles, quails, roosters, turkeys, pigeons,
and guinea hens
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 7 and 8
Irokó is the orisha of abundance and prosperity. He is believed to reside in
the irokó tree—West African teak—but because of this tree’s absence in Cuba, he
is associated with the Ceiba—silk cotton tree (Ceiba pentandra, L.). Many
Olorishas plant these in their homes as it is considered one of the most
respected trees with great esoteric powers. All the orisha are supposed to
gather at her roots, though it is especially associated with Shangó, Aganjú,
Oduduwá, Obatalá, and Egúngún. When Irokó is worshiped at the base of a Ceiba,
the tree is ornamented with panels of different colors, mariwó—palm fronds, and
other articles. Many cooked foods are also offered to the deity at the base of
the tree.
There is only one known case of an ordination to Irokó in Cuba. Modesta Morera,
Alaraba. She was ordained to Irokó through Yemojá (Yemojá oro Irokó) by the
late Cheo Shangó, Shangó Larí, in Matanzas, some time in the 1950s. There has
not been another ordination since.
Orisha: Olosá
Beads: Dark blue, green, with opal and coral
Sacrifices: Rams, sheep, ducks, roosters, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 7, 9
Olosá is the wife of Olokún. She is the goddess of the lagoon and her
messengers are the crocodiles. In Yorubaland, she is worshipped at the lagoons
in Lagos that precede the Atlantic coast. There her offerings are taken. If
the crocodiles consume them, the orisha accepted it. Olosá has no roads.
Orisha: Ayarokotó
Beads: Blue and white
Sacrifices: Roosters, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 7
This orisha is a daughter of Yemojá and another messenger of Olokún and is found
in the horizon, where the sea meets the sky. It is believed that she is
Olokún’s herald and warns humankind of Olokún’s wrath before a tidal wave
occurs. She is the roaring sound that precedes the tidal wave. Parts of
Ayarokotó’s attributes are kept in the Olorisha’s house and the other part is
buried at the ocean’s shore.
Orisha: Otín (Oti)
Beads: Dark and turquoise blue, with plenty of coral
Sacrifices: White roosters
Taboos: Mocking her breasts
Ritual Number: 7
Otín is an orisha that is related with both Erinle and Yemojá. One myth
recounts that she has four breasts, and it stresses that it is a great taboo to
mention this in front of her for it offends her. She was believed to have been
a very powerful, yet sensitive queen, who disenchanted with the ill respects
afforded by her subjects, committed suicide in Erinle’s river. Amongst the
Lukumí, a carving of a woman carrying a clay jar on the head is used to
represent Otín.
Orisha: Ibú Ayé (Ayé Ochún)
Beads: All coral
Attribute: A lyre
Sacrifices: Hens, pigeons, and guinea hens
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 3, 5
Ibú Ayé is a very young Oshún. Considered an independent orisha, she is
believed to guard Oshún’s riches and distributes them only when instructed by
Oshún. She is represented by five tiger cowries and is worshipped alongside
Oshún.
In the Odu Ogundá mejí, Ogún gave the five tiger cowries�?ayé—as a gift to Ibú
Apará in order to conquer Oshún’s heart. He promised that these ayé would bring
great wealth to Oshún and fulfill all of her whims and desires. Oshún accepted
the gift, lived for a period with Ogún, but eventually abandoned him for Shangó.
Orisha: Idowú (Ideú)
Catholic Syncretism: The child that Our Lady of Charity holds in her arms
Beads: Amber, yellow, and coral
Sacrifices: Young chickens and pigeons
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 2, 4, and 5
Idowú is the child born immediately following the birth of twins. He is
believed to be a favorite of Oshún. All children born immediately following the
birth of twins are sacred to Idowú and must be initiated into the worship of
Oshún. A patakí of Ejiogbé mejí describes how he saved Oshún from total
devastation. Along with Ibú Ayé and Logún Edé, Idowú guards Oshún’s riches.
This orisha is also related with emotional imbalances. When Olorishas attend to
an individual who may have sentimental problems, he or she may be instructed to
make an offering to Idowú. His eleké is strung short so that when the devotee
wears it, it clings approximately below the heart. Idowú in many respects can
be called the Lukumí cupid. He has no roads.
Orisha: Ajeshaluga (Kowo, Cobo)
Ritual implement: Cowries
Sacrifices: White pigeons
Taboos: None
Ritual Numbers: 8
Ajeshaluga is better known as Kowo because of the type of conch used in her
worship that is Cuba is called “cobo.�?nbsp; She is the goddess of wealth and is
worshipped in the marketplace. She is the patron of all commercial
transactions. In some myths she is described as the daughter of Olokún and in
others, as one of his wives.
This is a very important deity as emphasized by the Lukumí proverb kó ajé, kó
orisha—without money there can be no orisha. She has no roads.
Orisha: Oshumaré
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Bartholomew
Celebration:
Garments: He uses all colors for his garments, though golden yellow and green
are the most important
Beads: Yellow with black stripes, green and ornamented with red and teal blue
Ritual implement: he uses an elongated snake as a type of scepter that he
brandishes in dance
Sacrifices: He-goats, rams, turtles, roosters, pigeons and guinea hens
Taboos: None
Ritual numbers: 7 and 12
Oshumaré is the orisha of the rainbow. He is especially associated with Shangó,
and helps him keep an environmental harmony by returning to the skies the rain
that Shangó, Oyá, and Yemojá send down during storms to satiate the earth’s
thirst. As such, Oshumaré represents the continuity of life on earth—the
guardian of human life—as is evident in the representation of the orisha as a
coiled snake eating its own tail. In possession, Oshumaré directs his
snake-scepter to the sky as if provoking Shangó to send rain.
One myth from the odu Ejiogbé Oyekún relates that once, when Olorún had fallen
ill, Oshumaré was the only diviner who was able to cure Olorún’s ails. As such,
Olorún retains him by his side, allowing him to return to visit the earth every
so often but only under the condition that he returns the same day. When the
rainbow visits earth, we are blessed if we see it and must interact with it
quickly for Olorún will soon call him back home.
This orisha was lost in Cuba in the first half of the twentieth century. His
attributes are no longer consecrated, and there is no knowledge about the
orisha, even in the areas of the island in which he was known in the 1940s and
50s. Inexplicably, Oshumaré—like the rainbow—has reappeared in Cuba in the
1990s through the ¡magnificent! institution that I have labeled
“diplo-santería,�?and is being consecrated for any extranjero—foreigner—who
pays for it with hard currency!
Orisha: Logún Edé (Laro)
Catholic Syncretism: Saint Expeditus
Celebration:
Garments: Turquoise blue and yellow, with gold trimmings
Beads: Turquoise blue, amber, with coral
Ritual implement: Fishing rod; brass bow and arrow; a brass fan
Sacrifices: He or she-goat, or castrated goats, roosters, hens, pigeons, and
guinea hens
Taboos: Palm oil
Ritual Numbers: 5, 7
Logún Edé is better known in Cuba as Laro. An androgynous deity, Logún Edé is
the child of a road of Oshún called Ibú Ipondá, and Erinle. The first six
months of the year, Logún Edé is believed to be male and live in the woods,
hunting alongside his father. During the latter six months of the year, Logún
Edé lives with Oshún in the river, on a diet of sweet water fish and shrimp.
Logún Edé means “He who hunts shrimp.�?BR>Logún Edé is the guardian of Oshún’s riches and of Erinle’s abundances. Yemojá
is his/her protector. Logún Edé is the protector of sailors and is represented
by all marine fish. He/she is believed to live where the river and ocean meet.
The rituals of initiation and worship of this orisha are have been lost in Cuba.
There are no initiations into this cult.
A patakí of the Odu Odí Otura narrates the myth of Logún Edé’s mysterious
origins, and erroneously describes him as a homosexual. The myth says he was
initiated into Ifá during his masculine semester, and lived as Orúnmilá’s wife
during his feminine months. Because of this, Babalawos maintain that homosexuals
should not be initiated into Ifá. He has no roads. This is another orisha
whose worship has been lost in Cuba and may have reappeared recently in the
“diplo-santería�?markets.
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Orisha: Ayáo (Oyaó)
Garments: Crimson
Beads: Some Olorishas use a reddish brown bead that has yellow and red stripes
Ritual implement: Quill
Sacrifices: Pigeons and guinea hens
Taboos: Rams
Ritual numbers: 9
Oyáo is Oyá’s younger sister who serves as her messenger and assistant. It is
through Ayáo that Oyá obtained dominion over afefé, the wind. Ayáo holds the
secret of the winds and the whirlwinds that are her principal manifestation.
She is consecrated exclusively for Oyá’s omó and lives alongside Oyá. It
seems that the knowledge of this orisha is limited to the town of Jovellanos, in
the province of Matanzas where she was associated with Oyá and Olokún. In that
town, Ayaó was known to possess an Olorisha named Benita Cartalla. Elsewhere,
Ayaó is not known. Recently it has become one of the orishas sold in the
“diplo-santería�?market.
Organs and areas of the human body under the control of an orisha
Area/Organ Orisha
Area/Organ Orisha
Brain Obatalá
Ears Oba, Obatalá
Eyes Naná Burukú
Nose Olodumaré, Obatalá
Tongue Shangó & Oyá
Throat Aganjú & Naná
Burukú
Vocal chords Obatalá & Oyá
Heart Obatalá & Oshún
Lungs Oyá
Breasts Yemojá & Oshún
Veins Oshún & Babaluaiyé
Stomach Oshún, Obatalá, &
Naná Burukú
Blood Oshún & Babaluaiyé
Womb Oshún & Yemojá
Ovaries Oshún
Penis Elegbá, Ogún, Shangó
& Orishaokó
Buttocks Yemojá & Elegbá
Testicles Orishaokó & Aganjú
Feet Elegbá
Knees Elegbá & Ogún
Hands Obatalá
Skin Obatalá & Babaluaiyé
Arms Aganjú & Ogún
Legs Elegbá & Aganjú
Muscles Aganjú & Ogún
Vagina Yemojá, Oshún, &
Obatalá
Bibliography
Abimbola, Wande. Sixteen Great Poems Of Ifa. Paris, 1975.
Ifa: An Exposition Of Ifa Literary Corpus.
Ibadan, 1976.
Ifa Divination Poetry. New York: Nok
Publishers, Ltd. 1977.
Abraham, R.C. Dictionary of Modern Yoruba. Hodder and Stoughton
Educational, London, 1946.
Angarica, Nicolas V. Manual del Orihate (religion Lucumi). Habana, n.d.
Awoniyi, Timothy A. “The Word Yoruba.�?Nigeria 134's 35, 1981.
Bascom, William. “Yoruba Concepts Of The Soul,�?in Men and Cultures.
Edited by A.F.C. Wallace. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969.
Ifa Divination; Communication Between Gods and Men In West Africa. Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1969.
The Yoruba Of Southwestern Nigeria. Spindler Series, Case studies in cultural
anthropology. Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1969.
Sixteen Cowries: Yoruba Divination From Africa to the New World. Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1980.
Bastide, Roger. The African Religions of Brazil. John Hopkins
University Press, Bloomington, 1978.
O Candomble Da Bahia (Rito Nago). Sao Paulo: Instituto Nacional Do Livro, 1978.
Blassingame, John W.
Slave Testimony: Two Centuries of Letters, Speeches, Interviews, and
Autobiographies. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1977.
Buxton, T. Fowell De la Traite des Esclaves en Afrique et des Moyons d'y
Remedier. Paris, 1840.
Cabrera, Lydia Anago: Vocabulario Lucumi. Miami: Ediciones
Universal, 1970.
Castillo, José M. Ifa en Tierra de Ifa. Miami: 1976.
Epega, D. Onadele. The Mystery Of Yoruba Gods. Ode Remo: Imole Oluwa
Institute, 1931.
Gleason, Judith. A Recitation of Ifa, Oracle of the Yoruba. New
York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.
Idowu, E. Bolaji Olodumare: God In Yoruba Belief. London: Longman’s,
1962.
Johnson, Samuel. The History of The Yorubas. London: Routledge and
Kegan Paul LTD, 1921.
Lachatañere, Romulo
“El Sistema Religioso de los Lucumis y otras Influencias Africanas en Cuba.�?
Habana: Estudios Afrocubanos, Vol. III, 1939.
Lopez, Lourdes Estudio de un Babalao. Habana: Universidad de la
Habana, Departamento de Actividades Culturales,1978.
Perez, Jr., Louis A. Slaves, Sugar & Colonial Society: Travel Accounts of
Cuba, 1801's 1899. Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1992.
Ramos, Arthur. The Negro in Brazil. Philadelphia: Porcupine Press,
1980.
Ramos, Miguel W. Ase Omo Osayin...Ewe Aye. Revised Edition. Carolina,
P.R.: El Impresor, 1982.
Ceremonias de Obaluaye. Carolina, P.R.: El
Impresor, 1982.
Dida Obi, Adivinacion a Traves del Coco. Carolina, P.R.: El Impresor, 1982.
Oro...Egungun; Las Honras De Egungun. Carolina, P.R.: El Impresor, 1982.
Eleda. A monthly publication of Cabildo Yoruba Omo
Orisha, Inc., Miami, Florida.
Sandoval, Mercedes Cros.
La Religion Afrocubana. Madrid: Playor SA,
1975.
Simpson, George E.
Religious Cults of the Caribbean: Trinidad, Jamaica and Haiti. Caribbean
Monograph Series, No. 15. Rio Piedras: Institute of Caribbean Studies,
University of Puerto Rico, 1980.
Thompson, Robert F. “Icons of the Mind: Yoruba Herbalism Arts in Atlantic
Perspective.�?nbsp; African Arts, UCLA, Spring, 1975.
Black Gods And Kings. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press,
1976.
Flash of the Spirit: African and Afro's American Art and Philosophy. New York,
Random House, 1983.
Verger, Pierre. Notes sur le Culte des Orisa et Vodun. Dakar:
L'Institut Francais d'Afrique Noire, 1957.
“The Yoruba High God: A Review of the Sources.�?Odu, n.s., Vol. 2, No. 2, 1966.
[1]All orisha fúnfún—white deities—are related with Obatalá. Like Obatalá, they
all dress in immaculate white cloth, and their paraphernalia, offerings,
sacrificial animals, and beads must also be white. With few exceptions, they
all observe a palm oil, liquor and salt taboo as well.
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